The TRADITIONAL Ceremonies In UTUTU Land

 

It is a debt that every society owes posterity, to research and document their culture in order to avail future generation the opportunity to appreciate the cultural traits as practiced by their forbears. Ututu people are known throughout Igboland for their rich and diverse traditional ceremonies and this chapter is my humble attempt to shed some light on this buoyant cultural heritage of the people. Ututu people chronicle the months of the year by different traditional ceremonies, and because the people are farmers, these festivals are also in consonance with the people's agricultural cycle.

The first major festival of the year is the Izu Ututu. The method of fixing the date for this festival has no English equivalence, but counted according to the traditional counting known as Etutu. The people who perform this task are known as Ndi-Etutu, or Ndi Akpa Asaa.

The Izu Ututu is celebrated at the end of the yam - planting season as a thanksgiving to the God of Ututu known as Obasi Ututu thanking him for having brought the people successfully to the end of the YAM PLANTING SEASON. In the olden days yams could not be seen easily except in the homes of the EZEJI after the festival and anyone who had not finished planting his yam before the festival was considered a very lazy person, and no one sympathized with him if his yams in the barn were stolen.

Furthermore, Izu depicts Ututu people as their ancient fore­fathers who conquered the Clan through war. The costumes are designed to reflect the war-like nature of the Ututu ancestors. The Izu however ushers in the season of Unwu "when crops have been planted into the ground" thus creating a temporary famine. This scarcity of food is ameliorated a few months later by the harvesting of maize and vegetables; in fact this period is dominated by recreational activities such as Wrestling Matches and Usee. Since the people spend most of their lives in the farm, these festivals come up to serve the purpose of recreation and release of tension after working very hard in the farm.

 

The wrestling matches are conducted by various Villages on separate Afor days to compete with other villages as a show of manliness. It is an arena for strong young men to be provided with wives after a victorious wrestling match. After the wrestling matches comes the Usee. This is purely women affair. They dance from their various Villages to the Village Square. The women compose and sing satirical songs designed to mock evildoers or persons who had committed an abominable offense. Because of the disgrace attached to women whose names were mentioned in these songs. Ututu women tried very hard to live an unblemished life.

After the Usee comes the Ibuo Ogo, when the Village squares and Compounds are kept clean in readiness for the New Yam Festival “lkeji Ututu" which is fast approaching. During this period married women cook special dishes to their male relatives, just as the men themselves had sent yam and stockfish during the Izu. This is also a period for the female wrestling matches (Mgba-Egbu). Young girls compete with each other in wrestling matches, and since the people were farmers, this arena was a good chance for choosing wives. The reason being that girls who emerged victorious during wrestling matches testified that they are strong enough to make good wives. The most significant event during this period is the AFOR-OWORORO which marks the end of the year in the Ututu Calendar and the initiation of the newly married women into traditional women­folk.

The high-point of this final initiation is the AFOR OWORORO dance. Various dance groups consisting of women and girls are predominant; especially those wedded the previous dry season. The significance of the Afor Owororo dance is that the newly married women of the previous dry season are being finally initiated into womanhood. Such newly married women receive from their parents all the ritual rights which they owe them as married women. These includes among other things items of food, fish, meat, cooking utensils, farm implements, clothings etc. The newly married woman of the previous dry season can now establish her own independent kitchen at the dawn of the NEW-YEAR, which is marked by the NEW YAM FESTIVAL.

According to traditional counting the IKEJI UTUTU or Ututu New Yam Festival commences from the end of Usee dance with Ibuo Ogo and Afor-Owororo. At the end of Afor-Owororo which is characterized by initiation rites for newly married woman; At the same time certain rituals are performed for the old year to depart with all the evils ushering in the new year marked by the harvesting of new yam and the beginning of the new year. From the end of Usee to the end of the New Yam Festival on a day called Eke Ichulamuo is exactly 28 days. After the New Yam Festival, the people now repair or build new barns for storing yams and other products from the farm. It is the job of the women and children to carry the harvested yams to the barn; of course the farmer would leave the yams that will be eaten on the ground while the rest are tied in the barn. After tying the yams in the barn, it will be time for taking yam tittles. 

Anyone who is satisfied that he has fulfilled all the requirements for the yam title would announce same to his Kinsmen. The Kinsmen would then inspect the barn themselves. If they are satisfied that the quantity/quality of yams in their relatives barn is sufficient to qualify him for the yam title, they will then announce same to members of the Yam Title Society (NDE-JI).

The NDE-JI would in turn send some of their members to independently examine the aspirants barn. If the report of the examiners is positive, the news of the venture will quickly spread to all the Villages in the Clan. Consequently a Convenient Afor-day is fixed for the real initiation. Friends and relatives of the aspirant will be invited. On that day the title taker and members of his household will be adorned with special regalias. The members of the yarn title society will equally be dressed in well-decorated styles. The special ancient pot, which symbolizes the yam-title society, will be decorated and placed in front of the yam titles taker’s house. Also displayed will be various sizes of yams. Canons will be fired constantly while music will be provided by members of the society.

Then the neophyte finally carries the ancient pot followed by members of NDE-JI. The entire procession will go to the neophyte’s barn singing and dancing after offerings and sacrifices to the gods the group returns home to feast in the house of the new members. The entire day is heralded by more dancing and singing. From that day onwards the new member now becomes a bona-fide member of NDE-JI, and will be addressed as EZEJI.

The last ceremony of the year known as IGWA-OBA is exclusively for the EZEJI'S. At the appointed day the EZEJI along with the relations and friends in procession will go to inspect his barn. The ceremony is characterized by a special gong (Ogene), which notifies the Villagers that a certain EZEJI was performing the IGWA-OBA ceremony. At the barn a white cock is killed and used for sacrifice, and everyone present will be given a sizeable yam by the EZEJI. After the rituals and sacrifices, all the people who witnessed the occasion will accompany the EZEJI as he goes back to his house.

MARRIAGE: - Marriage ceremony and all traditional ceremonies in Ututu follow the agricultural cycle. Wedding ceremonies takes place on an Eke day after the ceremony of IGWA-OBA sometime in December or early January. For the people of Ututu the Chief reason for marriage is the desire to have children. They considered celibacy as not only unnatural but immoral. It is a person's duty to his descent groups to carry on the line and to multiply the clan. Though many people are monogamous the ideal practice was polygamy; Ututu men continue to marry well into old age; while the average age of marriage for women was about fourteen to fifteen years. Elderly men often marry young widows as there is no age limit for men as far as marriage in Ututu is concerned.

 

Procedures for marriage in Land:

a.     A male adult would look for a suitable fiancee; make preliminar inquiries about her character and family background. This is because in Ututu, marriage is not an individual affair but a family affair, and a young man who refuses to marry when his age mates have done so is treated with disdain, and the criteria for measuring a man's worth is the possession of a wife.

b.   Inform his parents and relatives of his proposed fiancee. This is because it is necessary for a good relationship to exist between the two family groups, as Ututu people hold a strong view on the influence of family background in the affairs of a young couple.

c.      Further inquiries by parents about the proposed fiancee and her family background and final approval of the proposal. This step is necessary because Ututu people believed that certain diseases are hereditary. E.g. madness, leprosy. blindness etc. They also believed that certain bad characters such as prostitution, pilfering and lying can be passed from the parents to their children. The idea of this further investigation is to ensure that the girl comes from a reputable family, it is also expected that the family of the bride will be making concurrent inquiries concerning the integrity of the man and his family. 

d.   Carry the 1st, 2nd and 3rd wine to the father in-law, compound men, and compound women respectively for the engagement of the fiancee. Courtship to the fiancee for three years.

e.   Payment of Bride Price (Dowry) and incidental expenses for the three years engagement. A marriage is recognized after the payment of the bride price by the husband. This makes the man the legal father of any children born by the woman. If a woman elopes from her husband to another man, the present man pays back to the former the bride price through the woman's parents in order to validate the second marital relationship and to be able to gain legal possession of the children born to the union. In the olden days when money was scarce, it was believed that one could marry by simply working for his in-laws with members of his age-grade for a period of three years. At the end of this period the man and his Kinsmen would provide a pot of palm-wine and the dowry (NKPOLA ISI), the earliest form of money used in Ututu, to his in-laws for the contraction of marriage.
 

The would be husband was also required to take charge of the girls maintenance for this period. At the end of the second year he would build a house for the mother-in-law in preparation for the fattening of the girl. Presently these services are now replaced by its money equivalence. Parents have to set this amount to conform with their conception of the girl’s worth which of course is based on the parents expenditure in the girl's upbringing, including her education and her acquisition of saleable skills.

f. Wedding ceremony. Every year girls are ceremoniously wedded to their husbands on Eke days on the Month of December or early January. Also women undergoing re-marriage ceremonies are also traditionally taken to their new husbands.

FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR MARITAL STABILITY IN UTUTU

As already stated the ideal family in Ututu in the olden days was a polygamous one because of the following reasons:

1. To get more hands for increased food production as the people were predominantly farmers.

2.   People felt safe and protected in the homes of their in-laws, also during wars and civil disturbances polygamous persons enjoyed dual succor and privileges from their multiple in-laws.

3.   Infertility of the wife and the desire to have many male children. 

           Compared with the present time marriage therefore was more stable as divorced wife or husband was subjected to much critical suspicion, in fact any woman who divorced her husband was resigned to prostitution, and except the man himself was wealthy it will be difficult for him to find another wife:

The reasons for this stability can be summarized as follows.

a.   Marriages were contracted by parents for their children according to native laws and customs.

b.    Girls were chaste, undefiled and prudent.

c.    It was disgraceful and derogatory to find a lady roam about   without a husband.

d.   Age-grade system was a factor that strongly controlled both males and females. A man who failed to maintain a wife when members of his age-grade had their own wives was disdainfully placed and very much disregarded in the community. Equally a woman who had no husband or who could not contain herself in a man's house proved a disgrace to herself, her family and the Village at large.

e.   Children had very deep respect for their parents and obeyed them promptly. It was a taboo for a child to do anything that could tantamount to stepping on the parents toes.

f.    Boys and girls received the non-compartmental and flexible education. Its curriculum included endurance, perseverance, tolerance and obedience.

g.   Husband and wife belonged to the same traditional and religious groups, had the same occupation and lived in the same house with love and respect.

h.   Women believed in and accepted the superiority of men. The man was the bread winner, the absolute controller in all family affairs, in fact a near dictator in the family.

i.     People by tradition were restricted from uncomplimentary societal behaviours. No woman whose husband was still alive committed adultery. If she did, she encored the wrath of the ancestors and the penalty could be as grave as death unless she confesses her sins and appeased the gods.

IZU UTUTU

After Igwa-Oba which marks the end of the harvesting period for the year, the lineage heads would select the land which they intend to farm during the next farming season. This activity which commences from the end of December will pave the way after special sacrifices have been made at the Lineage’s Nfijoku, for the sharing and clearing of the farmlands and would end about late March when planting will begin. The Izu Ututu comes up about the third week of May, though it has no steady date of English equivalence, but is counted according to the traditional counting of Ututu people which is known as Etutu.

The main aim is to celebrate and appease the ancient god of Ututu "Obasi Ututu", thanking him for having sustained the people from sharing and clearing the bush to the planting of yams which is the people's major crop, they also use the festival to seek for protection from the god as well as pray for successful harvest. The Izu costumes such as sticks (mgburu), guns, knives shields, etc. which are the weapnns employed by their forefathers during the Ututu conquest are designed to depict the people as their warrior ancestors who founded the Ututu kingdom through war.

The Izu Ututu enables the Ututu people, and even their neighbours at Ihechiowa, Isu and Arochukwu to keep accurate counting of the date of the new yam festival, to ensure that yams are not harvested prematurely. Counting for the Ikeji begins on the Izu eve known as "Orie Izu". The Izu Ututu is fixed at least “NKWERIZU ABUO" that is two Ututu weeks or eight days before the actual celebration. In the olden days no fixtures for the Izu were made until a live deer was caught by the Villages of Amaukwu/Obiagwulu. But since it is not always possible to catch live deers these days, the Ndi-Etutu meet at least eight days before the event to fix the date.

After the date has been fixed, the "Ndi-Etutu" as a group will move from Village to Village distributing the "OMU" leaves and informing the people of the official date of the Izu Ututu celebration. The Izu Ututu is celebrated on Afor-Nta, and only when the moon is partially round. The festival is never celebrated at full moon in the olden days, before fixing the Izu Ututu, the Ndi-Etutu would consult the oracles, and also gaze at the sky for signs of the moon, and to ascertain its shape. The Chief Priest would keep himself holy during the period. He would not share cups with anybody nor eat from any house except those of his wives who are considered to be holy during this period. He would not eat cocoyam and would consistently consult the oracles. The Chief Priest (Ogbu) observed these rules because he could not afford to fail, as the consequences could be grave. The "Opia" the traditional knife with which the Chief Priest uses for the final sacrifice is sharpened in readiness for the great occasion.

As soon as the Izu Ututu is fixed, then commences secret preparations not known to the public. For example preparing young men from various Villages and getting them ready for fights which could ensue between Villages. They also arm themselves in special ways through rituals performed by the elders and drinking of certain concoctions to protect themselves and prevent machete cuts. On the eve of the festivals which is Orie-Ukwu or Orie Izu, the Ndi-Etutu normally assemble to prepare and perform rituals and sacrifices to prevent any evil from happening. The sacrifices are performed in different shrines of call, announcing the celebration. The young men go to the Ude (palm-wine plantation) to carry home palm-wine and kola-nuts for the entertainment of the Izu players and others. The Izu Abali kicks off about 8 to 9 pm. This is actually a rehearsal to herald the great Izu day, and last till about 2am when people retire to their various homes in preparation for the main festival.

Early in the morning on the day of the main Izu, male adults start sending gifts of yam, meat, stock-fish and other kinds of dried fish to their female relations in appreciation and love regarding how they participated in the previous year's farm work and encouraging them to work even harder in the present year. At about 9.00am this same morning kicks off the "Izu Ututu" when people dance heralding the day until about 12.00 noon when they retire to their houses to eat and refresh themselves in preparation for the greatest and most spectacular aspect of the day's event.

 

During the main Izu which kicks off at about 2.00pm, the men dress in hand-woven clothes known as onogwe or bark of trees known as Aji tied around their waists, with raffia made war caps on their heads and white ram furs around their upper arms. Others wear george wrapper with wool-made caps known as "Okpu Agu”. Some hold guns, or long sticks known as "Mgburu" while others hold shields or sheath knives tied around their waist. This is to reflect the war like nature of the dance. Some also use charcoal to either mask or make decorations on their faces. The women are not left out during the festival; they wear knee-length wrappers round their waists and knot another wrapper, each carrying (Aja) a musical instrument while others hold green leaves in their hands symbolizing successful harvest. While the older ones among them follow the men behind during the dancing the younger ones chant and dance in their own groups, usually called the Izu Umuagbogo or Nmeri.

The girls chant thought-provoking songs of the gallantry of the erstwhile war lords, including brave campaigns of the living. The girls use this songs to prop up the men to go to the battle field and come back with victory. These young maidens are appreciated by the young men who have other motives like marriage in mind. The songs and costumes are warlike. They could steer up emotions, which could react differently in different people. To some they could be a source of pride, and pleasant memories while to others they could be a source of sadness and unhappy memories, since the song might remind them of the death of their dear ones.

Villages with any outstanding disputes do not go to each other’s Village with their Izu troupe as that would imply carrying war to the other Village. Such Villages also avoid any possibilities of their Izu troupes meeting each other on the road. It is at this time that the “Igbu Egbugbu" or the offering of sacrifices to the Obasi Ututu is performed by the Chief Priest (Ogbu). It takes place at the grave yard of the founder of Ututu at the Ihu Izu or Ofia-Izu. 

Before this, the people of Obiosu Ukwu perform some rituals in the forest, but it is necessary that they do not meet with the Chief Priest Ogbu as he goes to the holy forest accompanied by Ndi-Etutu, Eziama, Amaeke, Amasa and Amodu Villages. The purpose of this ritual is to slaughter a ram (in the olden days it was a prisoner of war), which is struck just once with the special sword (Opia). If the Ogbu fails to do this, it means that the sacrifice has failed and he is either killed or banished, but this has never happened because all the necessary gods have been appeased. The Ogbu has to appease all the lesser gods on his way before he reaches the holy forest Ofia-Izu where specially qualified men await his safe arrival.

This occasion is a every a very anxious moment as neither the Chief Priest nor the people want to hear of an unsuccessful sacrifice because of its possible consequences and repercussions. There is always a tense and a very anxious moment just before this final sacrifice as everyone wants to catch a glimpse of the occasion. During this anxious moment, the entire area is policed by a selected group among the Ndi-Etutu, who help keep peace and order at this particular time. They will also ensure that the Chief Priest and his right hand men are in no way obstructed as they enter the holy forest for the final ceremonies and on their way back home.

The anxious moment gives rise to great jubilation at the sound of a gun, which heralds the successful completion of the ceremonies, thereafter the Chief Priest and his entourage emerges from the forest, only a select group of people are allowed near the forest to watch the sacrifices, and any intruders are ruthlessly and forcibly moved out.

This final ritual at the Offia Izu marks the end of the festival, after more singing and dancing, everybody retires to his house and nobody sings any more songs relating to the Izu till the next Izu. However, it is pertinent to mention that all through the years the lzu celebration has undergone a lot of refinements as a result of contact with Christianity leading to the elimination of many fetish practices usually associated with Izu in the olden days, retaining only the ceremonial aspects. Because of the high esteem to which Ututu people regards the Izu, it has continued to survive, whereas other similar age old customs have since disappeared as a result of Christianity.

IKEJI UTUTU

According to traditional counting known as Etutu IKEJI UTUTU commences from the end of Usee. The festival is formally ushered in by the Ikoro, a hollow. wooden drum. It is first heard at NDI EZIAKUMA in Amaeke Ututu (The abode of Offor Ututu), and then from homes of noble EZEJI'S. This falls on a specific EKE day in late August ritually known as EKE OKWUKWU. Throughout the period of the IKEJI which last for about 28 days, the ancestors are in union with the living, and the OFFOR UTUTU is said to be resting on the ground and requires no contamination from anyone.

At this period of merriment when the ancestors are celebrating with the living nothing sad should come to the people and anyone who dies at this period is considered to have died a bad death as no burial ceremony will be accorded to him, until after OFFOR Ututu has been taken up. The most significant days during the festival include

1.           AFOR OWORORO: This marks the end of the farming year and the beginning of the Ututu Traditional New Year. The young ladies who were wedded the previous OKOCHI (Dry Season) would undergo final initiation into womanhood. The day is characterized by the Afor Owororo dance which is very popular among young married women and girls. 

2.           NKWO NKU: This is the one special day for the harvesting of the new yam. On this day it is customary to find the entire village deserted, except of course very old people who can no longer go to the farm. An Ututu farmer will take his entire family to his various farmlands one after the other – harvesting the new-yam expertly, in order not to damage the vines, as the remaining yam tuber would be used for planting during the next farming year. The two principal yams harvested this day are Oku (yellow in colour) and Akuru (white in colour). There are other yams beside these two, but there will only be harvested later in the year. Thus, it is only an experienced  farmer who can be able to distinguish these varieties of yams from their buds and vines. On this same day young girls go several times to fetch firewood that will be used in cooking during the IKEJI period.

 

3.           EKE ODU: This day is generally characterized by the carrying back of the yam that had been harvested the previous day. The families of the yam lords (EZEJI) would make several trips carrying back home the yam that will be used in celebrating the New Yam Festival. After the previous day harvesting of yams some of them will be heaped underground. It frequently happens that many yam lords will have harvested so much yams the previous day that it will be impossible to carry them home on the EKE ODU day. The excess yams would be heaped underground until there are gradually carried back home by the EZEJI'S families and neighbors.

4.           ORIE MBU: This is the IKEJI day proper. Before this day, sufficient palm-wine, local gin, goats and all manner of livestock would have been procured for feasting during the festival. The day kicks off with the ceremony at the kindred/compounds Nfijoku. This ceremony which commences in the early hours of the morning will involve every son of the compound assembling at the Nfijoku. No Ututu person leaves his compound on this very day and it is also normal at the early hours to see yam lords giving yams to their female relatives as they had done during the Izu festival.

At the Compound Nfijoku sacrifices of yams and fowls will be made to the Compound’s ancestors and the blood of the animal sprinkled over the hearthstone. The rituals are presided over by the Compound head. In Compounds with more than one kindred, each kindred will perform the ceremonies separately in the kindred’s Nfiioku presided over by the kindred head. With every male in the compound gathered round the Nfijoku, the compound head would begin to rub the white chalk (Nzu) on the right hand of everyman which signifies the strength of the Ututu man urging all kindred men to be hard working so as to accumulate many yams and thus become EZEJI. The EZEJI would be encouraged to acquire even more yams; so that they can be assured that they will be buried with the highest funeral honour when they die. The womenfolk if present would have the white chalk smeared on their belly- button by the Chief Priest; the act is an encouragement for the women to bear children. For a woman's status in Ututu depended on the number of her children.

The ancestors will be asked to help the living to become great farmers and to succeed in any undertaking they partake. The fowl used in the sacrifice would now be cooked in a porridge of dry fish and yam by the women of the compound, and thereafter eaten jointly by all. Palm-wine and local gin would also be consumed in great quantity.

   From this time until later in the evening, the tempo of the celebration will rise to its peak, with cannons, other gunshots and Opi (local trumpet) sounding in all parts of the community. There is so much drinking andmerry-making that it is normal to see several people drunk. People in each compound would go from one person’s house to another, and in each place wine and meat are offered by the host, after consuming the items provided, they will go to the next person's house and the same thing is done. Further drinking and eating continues till well into the night ending the actual day of IKEJI UTUTU.

5.        AFOR MGBEJI EWU: Orie Mbu is actually the IKEJI Day, during this period one of the EZEJI'S or a kindred member will be given the honour of (ipatu Ikoro). That is hosting the compounds Ikoro (Wooden hollow drum) in his house during the IKEJI. One of the obligations of the recipient of this honour is to donate a goat used for the (Ipatu Ikoro). It is on this day that the goat used will be consummated.

6. EKE NNE: - This is a special day for the maternal descent  “Ikwu", that is those who can trace their lineage from the mother’s side. This classification is significant because inheritance and other legal claims in Ututu is patrilineally based, but cognizance is still taken of the relationship from the mother's side. On this day elderly women of the maternal descent will host their families in their homes. It is an occasion of happy reunion and great feasting. These elderly women would prepare special soups to entertain members of their group.

7. NKWO AGWU: This ceremony takes place towards the end of the IKEJI UTUTU. It is a day for the medicine-men (NDI DIBIA) who perform numerous magics as they compete among themselves. They dance round the Village attired in their professional regalias. Final offerings and sacrifices are made to the ancestors accompanied by music and dancing as the medicine - men conclude the IKEJI UTUTU.

8.        EKE ICHULA MUO: - It is on this day that the ancestors actually take their leave after the union with the living during the NEW YAM FESTIVAL. On this day, the Offor Ututu is taken up from the ground signifying the end of the New Yam Festival or IKEJI UTUTU.

EKPE

All over Igboland EKPE though a borrowed custom from the Efik is known as a secret society that is connected to Traditional Government. Some call it Okonko, or any other name but the essentials of the cult remains the same. During previous discussions on the secret cult, I was quite shocked how people became petrified anytime someone gave details about EKPE activities principally because of the supernatural overtones. I was quite amazed on a little research to realize that so much already has been written about EKPE that there is really nothing secret about it anymore. So to those people who might think that I am trying to expose their thing, I have no apology to make. I am simply threading in the paths where other writers before me have already made their contributions.
 

The necessity of such a secret cult in today's world has occupied the minds of contemporary' scholars. Chief N. U. AKpan in a seminar on "The role of Ekpe" in 1966 at UNN argued in support "it is true that secret societies are exclusive exactly in the same way as any club is exclusive to non-members or the ineligible. Their tools, emblems, signs, tokens and methods are secrets (that is hidden from) unauthorized persons, but they are in actual fact no less than exclusive cultural societies or clubs with specific functions, powers, responsibilities rights and privileges reserved to members." 

According to another authority G.I. Nwaka (1976) ''These people who claim to be the incarnated spirits of their ancestors often molest people and exhort money from them"  I am particularly sympathetic to the views of Evan-Pritchard.

“if it is intended to administer a people according to their own laws and custom, one has first to discover what these are.If it is intended to change a people's institution, it is of some advantage to be able to estimate what social effects these changes are likely to bring about".

As earlier stated the purpose of the present study is to illuminate the relevance or otherwise of the Ekpe Secret Cult in the contemporary Ututu society. Ututu people along with the Aro’s, Ihe’s, Ohafia’s, Abam’s, Isu’s etc. are sometimes referred to as the Cross River Igbos. In all these Clans the Ekpe cult performed invaluable services in their traditional government. That is to say that each of these Clans had specific reasons for obtaining Ekpe from the Efiks to become part and parcel of the people's traditional government, and its principal tenet is the worship of ancestors and the spirit of fertility.

                 Before going on to analyze the relevance of EKPE let us first get a little insight on the origin of EKPE in Ututu. Eze Orie Nwa Ikemi. Eze Ututu IV has already been shown as on one of the Architects of Ututu Traditional Government, and it was in the reign of this Eze from Okorochukwu Kindred of Ndi-Eziakuma Compound that Ekpe became enshrined in the Ututu Traditional Government. How did this come about?

 

We now come back to the issue of land which was the most important issue in the lives of Ututu people. Ututu had gotten to a stage analogous to medieval Europe. A few landowners (Amadi) and plenty of landless people (Ogbee). For the landless class to acquire some lands for agricultural purposes, they had to perform some services to the lineage head of the landowning kindred. The lineage head was the custodian of lineage land, and as such maintained the kindred’s Nfijoku. It has been adduced by several anthropological studies that it is the difficult conditions set by these kindred/lineage heads for giving land to the landless group that lead to the acquisition of farmlands in other neighbouring areas several miles away from the Village. Some of these new plantations eventually came to be in other Clans. The lineage head enjoyed his landowning status in different ways. Firstly by giving farmlands to the landless group during farming season after being presented a pot of palm-wine, moreso he could also give lease-hold for more than one year, if the landless person did constant weekly work to obtain the goodwill of the lineage head. This was because the lineage head was the representative of his lineage in all spheres of life.

Secondly was that the lineage head could pledge some of his land for money when the lineage has financial problem. In the arrangement a lender of money obtained a temporary usufrustruary interest in the borrower's piece of land as security. Thirdly the landless group made gifts of livestock to these landowners, so that in the compound of the lineage head would be found goats, sheeps, fowls all presented to him by people seeking land favours. In all cases the landless farmer was completely at the mercy of the lineage heads who owned most of the land in Ututu. It is also worthy of mention that some of the most enterprising landless class sometimes discovered unoccupied lands, but these places were usually of low fertility, but the demand for land was so scarce that they sometimes managed to make a living out of it.

This was the status quo and the few landlords wanted it to remain so, but the demand for land by these numerous landless class had become so high that the landless now began to acquire farmlands without paying the usual allegiances to the landowner’s lineage heads. History has it that the landlords of which Eze Orie Nwa Ikemi was among them met several times to discuss the danger that was now imminent concerning their privilege position. It was as a result of this resolutions that they agreed to obtain Ekpe from the Efik to serve them in their relationship with the landless class, as it was known to serve the Efik In their relationship with slaves, as a result of which when Ekpe was brought to Ututu the first initiates were the landlords and lineage heads.

Henceforward all subsequent disputes between the landowners and the landless class was settled by the Ekpe, and as would be expected the non ­Ekpe members were not allowed to sit among the initiates as a result of which judgments were passed in their absence, even in matters concerning them, and since EKPE ruled by fear and secrecy it allowed the EKPE members to completely intimidate the non-members The time is now ripe in this presentation to look at what the initiation process looks alike.

 

INITIATION: If one decides to be initiated into Ekpe society, he makes his intension known to his close relatives who will from the beginning act as his Nna Ekpe or sponsor.

This Nna Ekpe will summon all the different families of his compound and offer to each family meat and wine. This is called “Ikpa "Okwukwu"'. The heads of these families will accompany him to go and see the important Ekpe men of the Village. The Village will demand Ewu-Ilu a Goat to pay for all the offences against Ekpe committed by the neophyte (e.g the mere pronouncement of Ekpe in the past constitute such offence).

After this a day would be fixed for the initiation ceremony. All those to whom the candidate had given Okwukwu will act as his messengers and defenders against undue demands on the day of Initiation. On or before the initiation day (normally Orie day) the candidate would pay the fees for the opening of the Ekpe Hall (Mgbala Ekpe). The house is sweet and the Ekpe Bush (Offia Ekpe) is cleared on the same day.

In late evening - when it is getting dark the Chief Mboko men (senior Ekpe members) from all the compounds of the Village make a procession to the Ekpe bush. The Nna Ekpe brings with him to the bush, meat, pot of wine, big bottle of gin, 2 fishes, sugar cane, apa (a triangular - sharp metal resembling a small knife), akara lele (an insect), a small pot (Oching), Nzu (white chalk), odo (yellow chalk), coconut and a small three legged pot containing the condiment that will be used to eat the meat and fish. All these consumables are divided into two parts - one part for the ordinary Mboko people, the other part for the advanced Mboko people. The Elder, When everything is set, the Nna Ekpe would fix the small pot into the ground, and would put into it a small bit of each item brought into the Ekpe bush, he would pour the wine into the pit and invoke the fore-fathers to accept the candidate.

E.g. Nnam Okore Igeng (Our father Okore Igeng)

Nna Nna anyi we (All our ancestors)

E nuru mmai (Drink with us)

Nwa inyi biara iba Ekpe taa... (Your son is to be initiated into Ekpe).

Ali dooma rimaa. (Let all be well)

All the eatables are then consumed. All then proceed into the Ekpe Hall being accompanied by the Echo or voice of Ekpe. In the Hall three categories of Ekpe members can be discerned. Nde Egwu (Players), Nde Akpakara (The Provost) and Nde Mboko (The fully Initiated and Ritualists). Each section would be provided with meat and wine. Meanwhile "Nzu" would be brought in a container and everyone would have a little of the broken pieces marked in his forehead. When the feasting is over, all would now move to the candidate’s house. As this movement is done in secret, all the Ekpe instruments are handled very quietly and the least noise will attract the fine of a goat.

At the candidate’s house, the Ekpe cloth (uhara) would be hung to make an apartment of private enclosure, and this is when the real Ekpe dance actually begins, and would continue uninterruptedly until about 5.00am. Abundant wine would be provided.

This early morning the Nna Ekpe would go to candidate and receive from him a cock which is brought to the place of sacrifice (in the village square or near the Hall or Ekpe bush) called “Atabirii” and stones are placed around it. The feathers of the cock are left around here and the blood would be sprinkled on the stones which are placed around the life tree (atabirii). This tree is now elevated to the status of a God and told that the candidate has satisfied the first stage of Ekpe called Mkpai. The cock would be hung in front of the candidate's house. Everyone would now go their respective homes to get ready for the next stage. During this break the women would make foofoo using the cock to prepare soup.

On this second day which is actually the day of the real initiation; about 10.am. Ekpe would cry and summon all, any late comer would be fined a bottle of gin. Further eating and drinking continues until well into the afternoon. At about 9.00pm everyone would -proceed to the Ekpe Hall. The candidate is summoned into the Hall for the first time since the initiation ceremonies. This is the first time he appears before or amongst the Ekpe people. He would sit amongst them. Escorted by the Nna Ekpe the candidate would appear before Ekpe placed in the midst of all present. The candidate kneels before Ekpe. There on the ground would be placed an egg on one side of Ekpe and nzu (white chalk) on the other side. The elderly Mboko men would encircle the Ekpe and the candidate. The Nna Ekpe would now stand beside the candidate who now is told to greet Ekpe in these or similar words.

Nna, Nna, Nna, Ndewo (Our father I greet you) Ojim Ndu - Ndewo (Holder of life I greet you)

Nnam Ukwu - Ndewo (Master I greet you)

Onye nwe Obodo - Ndewo (Owner of town I greet you)

Okpara otim  ri onu - Ndewo (Earner of my daily bread I greet you)

Onye nachi obodo - Ndewo (The ruler of the town I greet you)

In these and similar terms do the candidate who is kneeling down before the Ekpe address it. When he has exhausted all the titles, as he knows them, the Nna Ekpe now whispers into his ears whatever title the candidate might have missed. When the candidate now pronounces all the title correctly. The Ekpe then replies
 

"Enyi, Enyi, Enyi-wi-wi".

It is at this point that complete allegiance is publicly declared and the candidate is now fully initiated into Mboko and a section of Inyamkpe.
 

OATH OF SECRECY

If the candidate is unable to pay for the other higher grades of Ekpe, he would now take the oath of secrecy. But if he can pay the money and associated demands for the higher grades, the oath would be deferred.

THE OATH

The Nna Ekpe would take his hand and collect the dregs of wine already poured into a hole dug in the centre of the Ekpe Hall and would put this water into the candidate's mouth. As the candidate swallows this he would be told that whenever he reveals what Ekpe is to a non-initiate that he would die. This oath is called “Ita Arunsi Ekpe".

The third day of the initiation which is an Nkwo day commences with eating porridge made of yam and plantain in order to complete the Inyamkpe grade. If the candidate can meet  further expenses he would also be initiated into the Okpoko grade. The Ekpe drum at this stage changes, even the motive voice of the Ekpe becomes more intensified. Those who have not reached this grade would be made to go home. Clad only on loin cloth the members mark their forehead with Nzu and Odo.

A dog is killed and the bones are placed around an old drum so that living dogs could be enticed to come there. Such offending dogs are also killed and eaten. More eating and drinking continues until evening. The stage is now set for the Elderly and most wicked grade, that is those who have attained the Eighth (8^th) or more grade of the Ekpe. It is believed that they strip themselves naked and crawl on their buttocks, by this time all doors in the neighbourhood are locked so that no one would have a glimpse of this most feared group of ritualists as they move from the candidate's house to the Ekpe Hall. This suspected arena for witchcraft includes Okwu, Ikenda and Ebenko grades.

The candidate who is now a full member would bring the very egg that was placed beside the Ekpe during the beginning of the initiation to Obasi Ekpe (which is the Ekpe god symbolized by Oguruisi tree). He would pin the cock and the egg on a piece of small bamboo and tie it to the Oguruisi tree, while the Nna Ekpe invokes the god to accept and protect the new member. The ancestors are called to receive all that have been done and protect the candidate as an Ekpe member.

However when an Ekpe man dies, his relatives must give to the Ekpe men - food, meat, wine etc. to mark every stage of Ekpe the dead member had reached also the relatives must give them a goat called "Ewu ntu Ekpe" otherwise no human being will inhabit  inhabit  the  room of the late Ekpe member..

Having enunciated thus far on what the initiation of Ekpe involves we will now return to the original hypothesis. “The relevance or otherwise of Ekpe secret cult in today's society". By today's society we mean a democratic society in which the rights of everyone big or small is protected by the law of the land. That our ancestors had a reason for importing Ekpe from the Efik to ginger our Traditional Government is an undisputable fact. But the issue now is that "Are these reasons cogent enough to justify its practice presently recognizing the fact that it is highly discriminatory and hence undemocratic”.

One of the proponents of the eradication of Ekpe practices especially among Christians in Ututu was the Late Rev. Dr. J. K. Nwankwo, a Catholic Priest. In several scholarly dissertations this Canon lawyer maintained that Ekpe secret cult was incompatible with Christian doctrine. He pointed out such thing as idolatry, fetish sacrifices, oath of secrecy, witchcraft, poisoning, oppression, corruption, cheating, cast system etc to support his argument that the cult was no good.

He actually had it out with the Ekpe members when the Ekpe Eleoha killed a dog belonging to one James Okore, a relation of the Priest who hailed from Obiagwulu Ututu. The dog allegedly strayed into Ekpe Hall where the Ekpe society members had gathered to celebrate their traditional Ekpe rite of “Ekpe Unwu’' and according to their custom such animals straying into the Hall are always killed and eaten by the Ekpe members. Engineered by the Rev. Father, James Okore took the members of Ekpe society to Court, claiming damages for the dog. This case continued unabated for several years until in 1988 when Councillor K. O. Okore, Deputy Chairman of Aro/Ohafia L.G. A. Council initiated an out of Court peaceful settlement on these issues.

1.           The Substantive Suit by non-Ekpe members against members of Ekpe cultural society at the Appeal Court Enugu, and

2.            Action for libel instituted by the Rev. Father against Ekpe     society members at High Court Ohafia.

The Peace Panel which included members of the Eze Ututu-In-Council condemned the action of Mr. Gabriel Okore Nwankwo (the brother of the Priest)

for using the Okonko attire to dance Okerekwe during the burial ceremony of Late Mazi Agwulu Obasi as provocative to the highest degree. The Panel also observed that enticing of people's dog with bones by Ekpe people was wrong and a practice to be discouraged. The Panel condemned the putting down of people's names without their consent a practice resorted to by Barrister K. O. Amah, who represented the Ekpe society during the litigation. Though carrying out his professional duties, but as an Ututu man, he was expected to prevent the

case from going to court instead of exposing Ututu culture to public ridicule. The peace committee resolved as follows.

RECOMMENDATION

1.           The two parties should withdraw the case from the court.

2.           While we should encourage Ututu culture, such culture should be modified where it infringes on fundamental human rights.

3.           The Ekpe society should write an apology to the Rev. Father for libeling him. In the letter, they should withdraw all the things said against him, copies of the apology should be sent to the Bishop, the Police, Eze Ututu and all other people who received the libelous letter.

4.           The Rev. Father should drop the claim of N10, 000.00 from the Ekpe society. He should also drop the claim for costs. His name is worth more than any amount he may claim. The panel strongly advised that he be satisfied with the apology.

Both parties accepted the panel's findings and recommendation after they had been read in English and translated into the Igbo language. Rev. Father (Dr.) J. K Nwankwo said he would also accept the apology if it was well-written and all the allegations against him renounced. The members of Ekpe society promised to comply and they did..."

Perhaps we can borrow a leave from the Aro's who in an agreement between the Catholic Community and the titled men of Ekpe society on 10/8/74 in an effort to reform the Ekpe cult stated as follows:

"Article 2: The Religious Ceremonies traditionally connected with title taking are hereby recognized as non-essential to the title itself. Therefore the titled man who takes the title without these ceremonies must be regarded as fully titled and in no way inferior to his counter-part who performed the ceremonies together with pagan religious observances."

OBONG

Though also a secret society, the OBONG cult and its younger version OKIKI are very popular among young people not initiated into Ekpe. As a rule all Ekpe members are also members of OBONG possibly before they became initiated into EKPE. It does not enjoy the political and other privileges that the Ekpe cult enjoys. They do not settle cases in the Village as Ekpe do.

OBONG CULT is famous for the OBONG dance usually performed during the death of a member, thus this dance also heralds the burial ceremony of Ekpe members. Initiation into OBONG is not as rigorous and expensive as that of Ekpe. Once the candidate provides palm-wine and local gin, usually during the burial of an OBONG man, he would be fully initiated and OBONG would be shown to him. 

The burial of an OBONG man is usually a great dancing ceremony. On the eve of the burial OBONG dance will be played in the dead man's compound. An improvised hut is built with palm-fronts or plantain leaves in the deceased compound. Only initiated members of the OBONG cult are allowed to enter into this hut. The family of the deceased would provide abundant palm-wine and local gin to entertain the OBONG dancers. The OBONG dance would continue until dawn when members would now retire to their homes. More dancing and merriments would continue even after the deceased has been buried until late into the evening.

EKPO

 Like EKPE CULT, the EKPO cult was imported to Ututu from the Efik. The first Village to introduce this cult in Ututu is Ugwuogo Ututu. This is evidenced by the rare masquerades displayed by the Ugwuogo people during the Ekpe season, which coincides with the Ututu New Yam Festival or IKEJI UTUTU. Two other Villages in Ututu namely; Abuma Ututu and Amodu Ututu are also prominent in Ekpo dance; The Amodu people are particularly popular for displaying Nwagbogho Ekpo (Female Ekpo) which unlike the other masquerades such as "INUM" and "NKITA OKU" that smear themselves with charcoal, the Nwagbogho Ekpo in contrast adorn itself with beautiful ornaments. The Amodu people are also noted for their display of Ekpo Ibi a very funny masquerade that carries a special calabash on its private part to give the impression of a local disease called Ibi.

 

In recent years other Villages namely Obiene, Obiagwulu, Nkpakpi, Ukwuakwu etc also participates in the EKPO cult. In fact the only Village in Ututu where the Ekpo dance is strictly forbidden in Amaeke Ututu. Being the abode of OFFOR UTUTU and OBASI UTUTU, as such EKPO is forbidden from the Village. Even though the main arena for the Ekpo dance is Ututu Central Square at Amaeke Ututu, the masquerade itself is forbidden from entering Ndi-Eziakuma Compound, which is the abode of OFFOR UTUTU. Often times when young men from Amaeke Village have challenged this injunction and gone ahead like their counterparts in other Villages to play Ekpo dance, the result has always been catastrophic. There are oral histories about cases requiring human sacrifices to appease the ancestors after Amaeke youths had displayed Ekpo dance. As a result of this legends, Amaeke Village has since discontinued participating in the Ekpo festival. The Ekpo festival also falls during IKEJI UTUTU.

EKPI

This festival or dance is unique to the people of a Village known as Obiagwulu Ututu. The ancestors of this Village which make up part of a group of the early Ututu settlers were war mercenaries. They paraded the Ibibio and Igbo hinterlands in search of clients. Eventually a group of them were settled in the Ututu ridge by the founder of Ututu. Mazi Otutu Ezema.

The Ekpi dance with satirical songs portrays the Obiagwulu Village as their Akpa ancestors. Even though this dance could be organized at anytime. The usual time for it is during the IKEJI UTUTU - Ututu New Yam Festival. During the display various combats are undertaken by young men in competition with one another to display the young men's agility and their capability to go to war.

BURIAL CEREMONIES

Burial ceremonies in Ututu were accorded to individuals on the basis of their wealth (i.e. production of yam) and status in the society. There

could be distinctiveiy divided into three categories;

1. OZU MBIRIKIKE: This is the type of burial ceremony that was accorded to the   poor in the society. That is people who were so poor that they could not afford to be initiated into Ekpe or other similer organizations. Such as yarn title clubs or even age-grade group. They received an ordinary burial designed for paupers or

the peasantry, and they were never honoured with second burial which takes place several years after the deceased has been buried. By Ututu custom it was the greatest curse for a man to be given this kind of burial.

2. OZU ANO: This type of burial ceremony was accorded to the average Ututu man including lineage heads and opinion leaders. It is a modestly dignified kind of burial, and as such had a mark of nobility for one to belong to this group. During the burial the corpse of the deceased would be carried round the compound four times before interment. Also the second burial festivals lasted for four days and would require such sacrifices as sheeps and numerous goats. During the Okerekwe dance which form part of the burial rites all the groups, associations and Villages that attended the ceremony would be given a goat at the end of the day.

3. OZU ASAA: This is the highest burial rite that can be accorded to an Ututu man. This rite was exclusive for the highly rich; usually the recipient held membership in all the important organizations in the Clan and must be a senior Ekpe member with numerous friends and relatives. The ceremonies of their second burial called ILA ASAA lasted for seven days. When the day of the second funeral is fixed. Relatives, wives, children of the deceased would begin the process by carrying back the big yams of the deceased which have been reserved for this occasion. Also horses, cows, sheep, goats will be procured in abundance and slaves for the ceremony would also be bought from the Aro’s.

 

For the Ekpe people the ILA ASAA is an occasion of great significance and merriment as only very few people in the CIan qualified for this burial rite. The word Ekpe is an Efik word for leopard of tiger. During the duration of the burial rites which lasted for seven days the leopard skin would be carried openly along with the Ekpe masquerade (Okonko) in a procession, while the Ekpe members dance round the nineteen Villages of Ututu.

On entering any Village the leopard skin symbolizing the Ekpe god (Nna Ekpe) would be displayed on the front side if the Village is on the right flank (Utuga Ikenga), and displayed on the back side of the Village is on the left flank (Utuga Ibita). This division into right and left flank is in accordance with the original settlers in the Ututu ridge (Utuga Ikenga) and the others who joined the Ututu confederacy from Ekoi across the Cross River (Utuga Ibita). Other traditional dances witnessed during the ILA ASAA burial ceremony include.

IGERI: This dance derives its name from the Igeri instrument which is a network of musical instruments each producing a lively tempo and energetic rhythm. In the hands of experts the Igeri instruments would produce a variety of dance music with an assortment of rhythms. It is a truly interesting dance.

NKELEGBE: Like the Igeri instruments, the Nkelegbe is also a network of musical instruments, involving Ikoro (hollow wooden drum), drums, flutes, gongs all designed to produce specific rhythms and dance music. The Nkelegbe is especially unique to Amodu Village.

For seven days all these and other traditional dances would go round all the Villages of Ututu each dance music accompanying relatives, wives and children of the deceased. On the night of the sixth day, it would be the day for the Acha Sacrifice performed by the people of Abuma, Village on behalf of Ututu people. This group of native doctors would keep vigil throughout the night as they perform their sacrifices. These sacrifices by the Abuma people is believed to be responsible for numerous deaths in the family of the deceased man, as it is presumed that they leave powerful medicine behind after they depart from the home the great man.

Then comes the final ceremony on the last day performed by members of Akpa Asaa or Ututu Traditional Government. After some more sacrifices the Akpa Asaa Ututu will place seven stones in the grave of the dead man as a testament to future generations that here lied the body of a great Ututu man.

Other traditional dances in Ututu include Ojojo, Okom, lyamba/Uma, Eruo etc.